“The demand for an English monolingual U.S. is akin to saying: We’re first. We’re best. Everybody needs to acknowledge that, and unwillingness to do so is...
un-American!” (Lippi-Green, 2011, p. 274).
Overview
In the United States, language bias, as related to foreign language and foreign-accented English, is linked to a number of other issues including immigration, racism, classism, education and fears of terrorism. It is probably most closely linked to immigration as those who speak a language other than English or speak English with a foreign accent are typically immigrants or the children of immigrants. However, racism also plays a role in this as the languages spoken by those who are visible minorities are much more stigmatized than the languages spoken by those who appear "white". Various stereotypes about the groups who speak certain languages play a role in how that language is perceived. “Attitudes toward bi- and multilingualism most likely mirror societal attitudes towards the speakers of specific languages. For example, attitudes towards, say, French, Spanish, or Vietnamese reflect perceptions of the French, Latin-Americans and Southeast Asians more than anything having to do with the nature of language” (Field, 2011, p. 153). Spanish is particularly stigmatized due to its association with illegal immigration, as well as its prevalence by virtue of status as the largest minority language group (Field, 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). In addition, anti-foreign language bias is linked to the correlation between the use of English and identity as an American (Field, 2011). “The demand for an English monolingual U.S. is akin to saying: We’re first. We’re best. Everybody needs to acknowledge that, and unwillingness to do so is...un-American!” (Lippi-Green, 2011, p. 274).
Specific biases
Foreign language bias
Bias against use of languages other than English is linked to two fallacies: that people speak foreign languages because they can’t speak English and that, as immigration increases, foreign language use is going to replace English use because immigrants aren’t learning English. In terms of the first fallacy, the assumption that's often made is that that “anyone speaking a non-English language must not be competent in English” (Tse, 2001, p. 43). There is a lack of acceptance of the concept of additive bilingualism, in which gaining competence in a new language does not come at the expense of ability in previously known languages. This is perhaps due to a pair of misconceptions commonly made by Americans: that monolingualism is the norm and that maintenance of a native language hinders development of the new language (Lippi-Green, 2012; Tse, 2001). However, multilingualism, both individual and societal, is quite common throughout the world and there is little evidence to support the argument that use of another language is detrimental to development of English (Lippi-Green, 2012; Tse, 2001).
The misconception that those who speak foreign languages don’t also speak English is partially responsible for the fear that English is going to be replaced by other languages. One of the most prevalent beliefs in education is that immigrants resist learning English (Tse, 2001). Proponents of making English the official language use this to argue that English should be made the official language to compel immigrants to learn English and prevent other languages from overtaking English as immigration increases. This argument seems to have gained traction as the percentage of the U.S. population who speak a language other than English has increased dramatically over the past 30 years. Data from the U.S. Census bureau shows that the population of foreign language speakers has increased from about 11% of the total population in 1980 to roughly 20% of the population in 2010. However, the data also shows that the vast majority of those who speak a language other than English at home also speak English “well” or “very well”, with only 7% of foreign language speakers, or 1.5% of the total population, unable to speak English.
While increased immigration may seem to be the impetus for foreign language bias, it is, in fact, not a new concept. According to Field (2011), “There has always been a certain ambivalence towards particular brands of bilingualism. Use of particular ‘foreign languages’ in the U.S. has been repressed, even forbidden, especially at sensitive times” (p. 157). In the late 1800s, the influx of new (and newly diverse) immigrants created a backlash toward foreign languages and a drive to recapture a feeling of national unity and relative homogeneity. This led to an increased focus on use of American English and Anglo-Saxon cultural values as being inherent characteristics of being “American”.
“Closely associated with loyalty to the United States was proficiency in English” (Field, 2011, p. 167). Certain languages have even been banned on the basis of national security, such as German during WWI. The anti-German hysteria was so strong that not only was the teaching of German banned in many states, but also German words, including hamburger and sauerkraut, and place names were replaced, either temporarily or permanently (Field, 2011; Baron, 2000). Currently, Spanish seems to be the biggest threat to Americanism, followed to a lesser extent by other minority languages. However, none of the prominent minority languages, either current or former, are really a threat to the status of English in the United States, as evidenced by the fact that the vast majority of immigrants are learning English and view English as essential to their success in this country (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011; Tse, 2001). “In the supposed struggles between English, German, Greek, Native American languages, Chinese, and now Spanish, the outcome was never in doubt, not for a second. English wins. Hands down. Every time. End of story.” (Baron, 2000, p. 10).
The misconception that those who speak foreign languages don’t also speak English is partially responsible for the fear that English is going to be replaced by other languages. One of the most prevalent beliefs in education is that immigrants resist learning English (Tse, 2001). Proponents of making English the official language use this to argue that English should be made the official language to compel immigrants to learn English and prevent other languages from overtaking English as immigration increases. This argument seems to have gained traction as the percentage of the U.S. population who speak a language other than English has increased dramatically over the past 30 years. Data from the U.S. Census bureau shows that the population of foreign language speakers has increased from about 11% of the total population in 1980 to roughly 20% of the population in 2010. However, the data also shows that the vast majority of those who speak a language other than English at home also speak English “well” or “very well”, with only 7% of foreign language speakers, or 1.5% of the total population, unable to speak English.
While increased immigration may seem to be the impetus for foreign language bias, it is, in fact, not a new concept. According to Field (2011), “There has always been a certain ambivalence towards particular brands of bilingualism. Use of particular ‘foreign languages’ in the U.S. has been repressed, even forbidden, especially at sensitive times” (p. 157). In the late 1800s, the influx of new (and newly diverse) immigrants created a backlash toward foreign languages and a drive to recapture a feeling of national unity and relative homogeneity. This led to an increased focus on use of American English and Anglo-Saxon cultural values as being inherent characteristics of being “American”.
“Closely associated with loyalty to the United States was proficiency in English” (Field, 2011, p. 167). Certain languages have even been banned on the basis of national security, such as German during WWI. The anti-German hysteria was so strong that not only was the teaching of German banned in many states, but also German words, including hamburger and sauerkraut, and place names were replaced, either temporarily or permanently (Field, 2011; Baron, 2000). Currently, Spanish seems to be the biggest threat to Americanism, followed to a lesser extent by other minority languages. However, none of the prominent minority languages, either current or former, are really a threat to the status of English in the United States, as evidenced by the fact that the vast majority of immigrants are learning English and view English as essential to their success in this country (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011; Tse, 2001). “In the supposed struggles between English, German, Greek, Native American languages, Chinese, and now Spanish, the outcome was never in doubt, not for a second. English wins. Hands down. Every time. End of story.” (Baron, 2000, p. 10).
Non-native accent bias
Although Census statistics have shown that the majority of those who speak foreign languages in the United States also have a high proficiency in English, this does not necessarily mean they are perceived as speaking English well. Tse (2001) argues “when people say immigrants are not learning English they usually mean that they don't sound like native speakers” (p. 28). An accent is a salient feature of the speech of English language learners. It identifies, and possibly stigmatizes, that person as a non-native speaker. Beyond identifying the speaker as a native speaker of a foreign language, which in the U.S. has a number of connotations as mentioned above, a non-native accent often leads listeners make assumptions about the speaker that are often untrue. A non-native accent is commonly seen as an indication that a speaker does not have proper or complete knowledge of the language; by extension, this can also lead to the assumption that the speaker is unintelligent, as evidenced by their inability to properly acquire the new language (Gluzek & Dovidio, 2010). However, research has shown that neither of those assumptions are true (Lippi-Green, 2012). Accent is unrelated to acquisition of other features of the language, and research has shown that even though someone may have perfect command of the language, they will commonly still have an accent (Gluzek & Dovidio, 2010, Lippi-Green, 2012). An accent is simply the result of native language phonology being applied to the language being learned. A strong or noticeable accent appears to be the result of learners having to acquire sounds that do not exist in their native language, which is harder to do beyond a certain age (Lippi-Green, 2012).
Whatever the reasons for an accent, there seems to be a strong predilection against those who speak with an accent in the United States and this affects interactions between native and non-native speakers of English.. There is a general bias against foreign accentedness in speech and studies have shown that native speakers of English tend to downgrade non-native speakers simply because of foreign accent, without considering whether that accent actually makes communication difficult (Munro & Derwing, 1999). Lippi-Green (2012) has suggested that negative attitudes toward non-native speakers may lead people to reject their share of the communicative burden, possibly to the extent of claiming that a proficient non-native speaker is unintelligible simply because they speak with an accent. This theory has been supported in research studies that have shown that accented English, while identifiable as accented, is not necessarily difficult to understand and that negative attitudes toward those who speak with a non-nnative accent, either specific or unidentifiable, affects how native speakers approach and perceive communication with an accented speaker (Munro & Derwing, 1999; Lindemann (2002).
Whatever the reasons for an accent, there seems to be a strong predilection against those who speak with an accent in the United States and this affects interactions between native and non-native speakers of English.. There is a general bias against foreign accentedness in speech and studies have shown that native speakers of English tend to downgrade non-native speakers simply because of foreign accent, without considering whether that accent actually makes communication difficult (Munro & Derwing, 1999). Lippi-Green (2012) has suggested that negative attitudes toward non-native speakers may lead people to reject their share of the communicative burden, possibly to the extent of claiming that a proficient non-native speaker is unintelligible simply because they speak with an accent. This theory has been supported in research studies that have shown that accented English, while identifiable as accented, is not necessarily difficult to understand and that negative attitudes toward those who speak with a non-nnative accent, either specific or unidentifiable, affects how native speakers approach and perceive communication with an accented speaker (Munro & Derwing, 1999; Lindemann (2002).
Resources
Baron, D. (2000). Language legislation and language abuse: American language policy through the 1990s. In R. D. Gonzalez & I. Melis (Eds.), Language Ideologies: Critical perspectives on the official English movement (Vol. 2, pp. 5-29). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Chen, E. M. (2000). Statement on the civil liberties implication of official English legislation before the United States Senate Committee on Government Affairs, December, 6, 1995. In R. D. Gonzalez & I. Melis (Eds.), Language Ideologies: Critical perspectives on the official English movement (Vol. 2, pp. 30-62). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
Field, F. (2011). Bilingualism in the United States: The case of the Chicano-Latino community. Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Gluzek, A., & Dovidio, J. F. (2010). The way they speak: A social psychological perspective on the stigma of nonnative accents in communication. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 14(2). 214-237. doi: 10.1177/1088868309359288
Lindemann, S. (2002). Listening with an attitude: A model of native-speaker comprehension of non-native speakers in the United States. Language in Society, 31. 419-441. doi: 10.1017.S0047404502020286
Lippi-Green, R. (2012). English with an accent: Language, ideology and discrimination in the United States (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Munro, M. J., & Derwing, T. M. (1999). Foreign accent, comprehensibility, and intelligibility in the speech of second language learners. Language Learning, 49, 285-310. doi: 10.1111/0023-8333.49.s1.8
Tse, L. (2001). Why don’t they learn English?: Separating fact from fallacy in the U.S. language debate. New York, NY: Teacher’s College Press.
United States Census Bureau. (2011). Language Use in the United States: 2011: American Community Survey Reports (ACS-22). Retrieved from: www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/acs-22.pdf